169: Chapter 169 Four Arrows Fired Simultaneously: The Superpower's Counterattack Plan

"Mr. President," Esper spoke up, bracing himself, "Zhang Cheng's military technology indeed possesses a generational gap advantage. We need time to develop equivalent countermeasures. Furthermore, according to the latest intelligence, he demonstrated a brand-new urban warfare system in the Battle of Naypyidaw, including..."

"I don't care what new toys he has!" Jin Mao Pu slammed the table. "What I care about is that media outlets all over the world are laughing at us! CNN says 'USA influence meets its Waterloo in Asia,' the BBC says the 'superpower myth is shattered,' and even Russia's damn RT station is gloating! Do you know how detrimental this is to my election?!"

That was the core issue—the November presidential election. If voters perceived him, the Commander-in-Chief, as weak and incompetent, unable to handle even a Southeast Asian warlord, then his re-election was in jeopardy.

Pompeo said cautiously, "Mr. President, we can apply pressure at the diplomatic level. I have already contacted Japan, Australia, and India to prepare for an emergency meeting of the 'Quadrilateral Security Dialogue' to discuss joint sanctions and the isolation of the new Myanmar regime."

"Sanctions?" Jin Mao Pu sneered. "That kid Zhang Cheng has gold mines, oil, gas, and jade in his hands. Does he fear sanctions? He also has the secret support of the Dragon Kingdom behind him—don't tell me the CIA has no evidence; I don't fucking believe it!"

Haspell cleared her throat. "Mr. President, we do have evidence showing that the Dragon Kingdom has provided a large amount of civilian supplies to Zhang Cheng through border trade, including fuel, grain, and medicine. But there is no evidence of direct military aid. Moreover... the Dragon Kingdom seems to be waiting and watching; they haven't officially recognized Zhang Cheng's regime yet."

"Waiting and watching?" General Milley interjected. "I think they're waiting for us to make a move. If our reaction is weak, they will quickly recognize Zhang Cheng and then sign a bunch of cooperation agreements, turning Myanmar into their backyard."

This was the most terrifying chain reaction—if Myanmar fell into the hands of pro-Dragon Kingdom forces, the strategic balance of the entire Indochina Peninsula would be broken. Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia might lean toward the Dragon Kingdom, the shipping safety of the Strait of Malacca would be threatened, and the USA's influence in Asia would be drastically compressed.

A long silence fell over the Situation Room.

Finally, Jin Mao Pu stood up and walked to the world map. His finger moved from Myanmar to the South China Sea, to Taiwan, and then to the Korean Peninsula.

"Gentlemen, we are losing a war—not a military war, but a geopolitical one." His voice lowered. "The Dragon Kingdom is rising, Russia is provoking, Iran is expanding, and North Korea is playing with fire. If we can't even hold onto Myanmar, what will our allies think? What will our enemies think?"

He turned around, his gaze sharp. "So, we cannot lose again. We must come up with a plan, a plan that makes Zhang Cheng hurt, a plan that lets the whole world see the USA is still the boss."

"You mean..." O'Brien asked tentatively.

"A three-pronged approach." Jin Mao Pu walked back to his seat. "First, militarily, continue to increase troops. Send the entire Seventh Fleet over, deploy a stryker brigade from Europe, and the 101st Airborne Division from the mainland. I want fifty thousand ground troops assembled in Thailand within two weeks."

"Second, economically, initiate 'secondary sanctions.' Any country, any company, as long as they do business with Zhang Cheng's regime, will be put on our sanctions list. Especially the banking system—cut off his connection to the international financial system."

"Third, and most importantly—" He paused. "Destabilize Myanmar from within. Min Aung Hlaing is finished, but there are other forces in Myanmar, right? The ethnic armed groups in the south, the Arakan Army in the west, and even... those Myanmar Army officers under Zhang Cheng who just surrendered. Are they all really loyal to him?"

These words woke everyone up.

That's right, Zhang Cheng had won the battles, but governing a country is much harder than fighting a war. Myanmar has 135 ethnic groups and dozens of local armed forces; the conflicts are complex. With just a little provocation...

"The CIA can handle that." A sharp glint flashed in Haspell's eyes. "We have an intelligence network that has operated in Myanmar for decades, with sufficient contacts and resources. We can incite ethnic conflicts, manufacture local rebellions, and even... plan an assassination against Zhang Cheng himself."

"But it will take time," Milley reminded him. "Zhang Cheng is at the peak of his power right now, having just taken Naypyidaw; his prestige is very high. Going after him now won't have a high success rate."

"Then wait for him to make a mistake," Jin Mao Pu sneered. "No one is without mistakes. Especially someone who has suddenly climbed to the peak of power; they are most likely to become arrogant and make stupid decisions. We wait, and then... deliver a fatal blow."

He looked at Miller. "General, go back to Thailand. The troop assembly needs your oversight. But remember—this time, without my direct order, you are not allowed to have a direct conflict with Zhang Cheng. What we want is pressure and deterrence, not another Meiktila."

Miller stood at attention. "Yes, Mr. President."

"Meeting adjourned." Jin Mao Pu waved his hand. "Remember, the content of today's discussion is top secret. Whoever dares to leak it, I'll make sure they never work in Washington again for the rest of their life."

The group filed out. Once the door closed, Jin Mao Pu sat alone at the long table, looking at Zhang Cheng's photo in the briefing.

It was a young man not yet thirty, with sharp eyes and a faint smile on his lips, as if mocking the entire world.

"Zhang Cheng..." Jin Mao Pu murmured to himself, "You think you've won? No, the game has only just begun."

He picked up the phone and dialed a private number. "It's me. Prepare a list of Myanmar's opposition leaders, the more detailed the better. Also, contact our people at the New York Times; I want to see a report on tomorrow's front page—an in-depth investigation into 'civilian massacres' by Zhang Cheng's troops in Naypyidaw."

Public opinion warfare, intelligence warfare, economic warfare, and military deterrence.

Four arrows fired simultaneously.

This was the USA's counterattack.

Yangon, the former Myanmar Navy Headquarters building.

This was now Zhang Cheng's Southern Front Command. Although Naypyidaw had been taken, the southern provinces—Yangon Region, Ayeyarwady Region, Bago Region, and Mon State—were still under the control of the original Myanmar Army generals. These local bigwigs were fence-sitters; they hadn't declared loyalty to the new regime, nor had they openly resisted, but were instead waiting and watching.

“They are waiting,” Li Lanzhi pointed at the map. “Waiting for the international community's reaction, waiting for the USA's attitude, and also waiting for us to have internal problems. If we quickly stabilize Naypyidaw and march south, they might surrender. But if we fall into chaos in Naypyidaw, or if the USA intervenes heavily, they will declare independence with their troops or even unite to resist us.”

Zhang Cheng stood by the window, watching the troops coming and going below. After the Battle of Naypyidaw, the 'Titan' division was resting and refitting, while the 'Lightning' and 'Hurricane' brigades had quickly moved south and had now established a defensive line fifty kilometers north of Yangon.

“What about the troop comparison?” he asked.